FUTURE SCENARIOS
The main aim of this second part of
the article is to present some future
scenarios that Turkey might face following
the application of four different strategy
models for the Central Asian Republics,
explained in the previous volume of
Stradigma. For this reason, we are going
to overview the probable advantages
and disadvantages Turkey might face
regarding the Middle East region, U.S.,
Russian Federation, Greece and EU as
the result of the application of strategy
models for Central Asia. We will evaluate
Turkey's probable position; following
the application of strategy models for
the Central Asian region; regarding
the mentioned region (Middle East),
the mentioned states (U.S., Russian
Federation and Greece) and the international
organization (EU) since Turkey has either
expectations or problems mostly with
these. So, we will present some negative
and positive scenarios for Turkey in
these areas probably to emerge following
the application of strategy models for
Central Asia.
It is worth explaining the method we
are going to use to assess Turkey's
probable position regarding the Middle
East region, U.S., Russian Federation,
Greece and EU following the application
of strategy models for Central Asia.
We are going to put forth future scenarios
mainly based on future scenario planning.
Future scenario and Future Scenario
Planning are the terms, which are closely
interrelated. "Future scenarios
are narratives or outlines that depict
preselected future environments at some
near or far-off time. They largely consist
of knowable things, conditions, and
situations in new relationships that
when projected into the future evoke
new concepts and ideas about change...
they define future environments and
provide insights that allow today's
planners, policymakers, or decision
makers to influence the future....they
provide a background for planning alternative
strategic courses of action and for
assessing defense and security policies".
(Taylor, 1993, pp. 1-3) Future
scenarios should refer to the past through
today to near or distant tomorrows or
futures.
Furthermore, scenario planning is a
technique used for creating future scenarios.
"Scenario planning is a structured,
disciplined method for thinking about
the future" (Yergin and Gustafson,
1991, p. 8) According to Yergin
and Gustafson, "scenario planning
is an effective technique for tackling
questions about the future and reducing
complexity. It can facilitate an earlier
recognition of change, thus promoting
flexibility. Scenario planning does
not, of course, tell us the future;
only fortune-tellers can do that. Rather,
it encourages the judgment and engagement
of the decision-maker. Thinking the
unthinkable and idle speculation are
essential to scenario planning. It creates
plausible stories of the future".
(Yergin and Gustafson, pp. 8-12)
Under the title "Future Scenarios
on Turkey's Position Regarding the Middle
East, U.S., Russian Federation, Greece
and EU" we are going to put forth
negative and positive future scenarios
based on scenario planning. We are going
to number the scenarios from the most
plausible one to the least plausible
one and give maximum 60 percent of realization
chance for the most plausible scenario
taking the possibility of the emergence
of wild card (negative) scenarios into
consideration.
However, the number of the negative
scenarios may cause complexity in the
minds of readers. The readers may think
that it is not practical for the writer
of this thesis to develop strategy models
for the Central Asian region if the
likelihood of the emergence of the number
of negative scenarios is rather high,
in other words, if Turkey would rather
take more risks than advantages. However,
it should be kept in mind that probable
negative developments to be included
in negative scenarios which Turkey may
face are not fairly easy to emerge since
the states intended to develop contra-policies
against Turkey's initiatives in Central
Asia would certainly face Turkey's counter
attempts through political and economic
support of the U.S. or some regional
and European powers which are in search
of political or economic advantages
in Central Asian region and which believe
that they would gain these advantages
through cooperating with Turkey more
easily.
We hope that future scenarios will
draw the panorama in which Turkey may
probably find itself in the future following
the application of strategy models for
Central Asia.
I : Future Scenario I: Future Scenarios
on Turkey's Position Regarding the Middle
East Region As the Result of Strategy
Models Developed for Central Asia
a. Future Scenarios on Turkey's
Position Regarding the Middle East Region
As the Result of Strategy Model I Developed
for Central Asia
Positive Scenarios:
Scenario I: Turkey - Covered by
the U.S. Security Umbrella in the Middle
East
Along with the realization of Strategy
Model I, Turkey's importance for the
U.S. might upgrade. While Turkey has
been an important country for U.S. Middle
East politics since the Cold War period,
following the Turkish-American cooperation
in the Central Asian region Turkey might
become an inevitable country for the
U.S. both for its Middle Eastern and
Central Asian politics. So, the U.S.
would do its utmost in order to guarantee
Turkey's security in both regions believing
that anything that would endanger Turkey
will certainly be resulted with its
own losses there.
Scenario II: Turkey - Economically
and Politically Equal to Israel in the
Middle East
In addition to Turkish-American historical
solidarity in the Middle East, Turkish-U.S.
cooperation in Central Asia might intensify
the relations between these two countries.
This might present Turkey some economic
and political advantages in the Middle
East region too. Turkey, which would
become a faithful ally of the U.S. in
Central Asia, might reach the position
in which the U.S. will give equal importance
and value both to Israel and Turkey
in the Middle East region. This will
help Turkey be economically and politically
stronger in this region.
Scenario III: Less Activist Syria
- Iran and Iraq
Turkish-U.S. close relations in Central
Asia might also be a preventing factor
for the Middle East countries with which
Turkey has some deep-rooted problems.
Turkey, to be supported economically
and politically by the U.S., might be
more advantageous against the Middle
East countries such as Syria and Iran,
which support PKK and Islamic fundamentalism.
Scenario IV: Turkey - Economically
and Politically More Powerful in International
Platforms
Turkey might also benefit from the
U.S. support in international arena
since the U.S. is the most powerful
in international politics. Turkey might
present her economic and political problems
in international economic and political
institutions through the U.S. easily
and gain support. Since Turkey has to
deal with many political problems with
the Middle East countries in question
very often, this might help Turkey become
more powerful in international politics
in regard to the Middle East region.
Negative Scenarios:
Scenario I: Russia - Iran Strategic
Partnership in the Middle East
As the result of Turkish-American cooperation
in the Central Asian region it is probable
that Iran might turn its face to Russian
Federation and try to balance its isolated
position with her since she was excluded
from the mentioned cooperation. With
in this strategic partnership, both
Russian Federation and Iran might develop
common policies, which might endanger
the status quo of the Middle East and
also Turkey's position in this region.
Scenario II: Armenian - Russian
- Iran Strategic Partnership in the
Caucasus Region
Iran might also blockade the transit
route of Turkey passing through the
Caucasus region through developing Armenian-Russian-Iran
strategic partnership in the Caucasus
region.
Scenario III: More Powerful Hezbollah
and More Effective Kurdish Insurgency
Iran, excluded from the cooperation
process, might increase its support
to Hezbollah and Kurdish insurgency
which would result in internal political
instability and increase in domestic
budget deficit of Turkey.
Scenario IV: Less Cooperative Israel
Israel might develop two behavior patterns:
She might either present unwillingness
towards improving relations with Turkey
and concentrate on developing relations
with Syria which would openly mean that
Turkey may lose her one of the most
important allies in the Middle East
region and not maintain its former power
in the region or Israel might intensify
its relations with Turkey available
in the Middle East region to take part
in cooperation strategy model I developed
by Turkey for the Central Asian region.
b. Future Scenarios on Turkey's
Position Regarding the Middle East As
the Result of Strategy Model II (Turkey-the
U.S. - Israel) Developed for Central
Asia
Positive Scenarios:
Scenario I: Turkey - Israel Regional
Leadership in the Middle East
As the result of the U.S.-Turkey and
Israel cooperation Turkey, to be supported
by the U.S., might hold the leadership
in the Middle East with Israel. Although
the Middle East states would not accept
the pioneering role of Turkey and Israel
very willingly they would have to accept
Turkey's leadership indirectly due to
her influence in the region.
Scenario II: Turkey - More Powerful
Before the U.S.
Turkey's initiative to cooperate with
Israel in Central Asia might influence
her position in the Middle East. The
cooperation of these two democratic
and Western-orientated Middle East countries
might help Turkey be stronger before
the Middle East countries that provoke
the PKK terror and Islamic groups. Turkey
might also benefit from Turkish-Israel
close up since Israel has deeply rooted
ties and has powerful lobby in the U.S.
Scenario III: Israel and the U.S.-
Less willing in regard to the establishment
of a Kurdish State in Northern Iraq
Turkey, through siding with the U.S.
and Israel for the Central Asian region,
might eliminate the possibility of the
support to be given particularly by
the U.S for the establishment of a Kurdish
state in Northern Iraq since as seen
in the past of Turkish-American relations,
the U.S. has never done anything that
would give damage to Turkish national
security interests as long as Turkey
has served for the well being of the
U.S. So, this mentioned support of the
U.S. would directly reflect its influence
on Israeli policies and Israel would
refrain from realizing any policy that
would not be proper for the U.S. and
Turkey in the Middle East region.
Negative Scenarios:
Scenario I: Less Supportive Middle East
Arab States
The Arab states in the Middle East
might refuse to give assistance to Turkey
when she is in need of, as seen in history,
since Turkey's cooperation with Israel
is very often regarded as a kind of
anti-Muslim and anti-Arab initiative.
However, depending on the lack of energy
sources such as oil in Turkey it is
highly possible that Turkey would need
the assistance of oil-rich Arab states.
Scenario II: Russian Federation
- More Cooperative With Iran in the
Middle East
Both Russian Federation and Iran might
revive strategic partnership in the
Middle East against U.S. as experienced
in the Cold War period. While Russia
might be involved in this strategic
partnership in order to draw the attention
of the U.S. to the Middle East region
to isolate her from the Central Asian
politics; Iran might plan that she might
increase its influence in the Middle
East and be the leader of the Middle
East region through this partnership.
This would mean that the status quo
in the Middle East might change and
Turkey might face difficulties in this
probable balance of power.
Scenario III: Iran - More Involved
in PKK and Hezbollah Provocation
Iran, isolated from this cooperation
process, might reinforce its relations
with the Russian Federation, and in
order to weaken Turkey she might use
PKK and Hezbollah.
Scenario IV: Russia - Arab States'
Anti-Israel Campaign
Some states, which are largely involved
in Arab-Israeli peace process in which
they bear high political expectations,
might begin developing anti-Israel campaigns.
It is also possible that Russian Federation,
in order to upgrade its existence in
the Middle East region, might back politically
and militarily these Arab states against
Israel, which might result in a radical
change in the balance of power in the
Middle East region, which will be rather
disadvantageous for Turkey's position
in this region.
c. Future Scenarios on Turkey's
Position Regarding the Middle East As
the Result of Strategy Model III Developed
for Central Asia
Positive Scenarios:
Scenario I: More Cooperative Iran in
the Middle East
The U.S.-Turkey and Iran cooperation
might lead Iran to behave toward Turkey
more cautiously and to limit Iran's
hostile policies against Turkey. The
support given to Hezbollah and the PKK
activities by Iran might either be decreased
or eliminated.
Scenario II: Less Revolutionary
Iran
Iran who will prefer to cooperate with
laic and secular Turkey might possibly
give up her attempts to establish Iranian-type
Islamic state in Turkey thinking that
this kind of attempt would detoriate
her possible regional and international
advantages to be offered by the U.S.
and Turkey via this cooperation process.
This might create quite positive development
for the stability of Turkey's internal
politics. Furthermore, the possibility
for the radical Islamic groups in Turkey
to present Iran, who set up cooperation
with the imperialist U.S. and laic,
secular Turkey as a kind of state model,
may be eliminated directly.
Scenario III: Less Effective Russia
in the Middle East
Turkey through cooperating with Iran
might eliminate the Iranian factor,
which causes a real threat in the Middle
East region for her. In addition to
this, Russia might be deprived of an
important supporter such as Iran in
the Middle East and might not be able
to realize her Middle East politics
via Iran. This would refer that a possible
Russian attempt to create a sphere of
influence in the Middle East region
might be rather difficult or removed
indirectly.
Negative Scenarios:
Scenario I: Russia - Syria Cooperation
in the Middle East
In case of Iran's involvement in the
cooperation process for the Central
Asian region, Russian Federation might
improve relations with Syria in order
to strengthen its policies in the Middle
East. Russia-Syria cooperation in the
Middle East region might lead Syria
to gain power against Turkey and to
increase its anti-Turkish policies such
as hosting PKK supporters.
Scenario II: Israel - Syria Strategic
Partnership in the Middle East
Israel might regard Turkey's cooperation
with Iran in the Central Asian region
as a kind of cooperation developed against
her and might seek for the ways to intensify
its relations with Syria, which might
be rather disadvantageous for Turkey.
Scenario III: Palestine - Lebanon
Cooperation Against Israel in the Middle
East
Palestine and Lebanon, witnessing isolation
of Israel from cooperation for the Central
Asian region, might develop anti-Israel
behavior patterns which might directly
detoriate peace process and balance
in the Middle East. The possible unsuccessfulness
in peace process might provoke the states,
which give support to illegal activities
in the region, and they might not refrain
from developing any terrorist attempts
against Turkey.
d. Future Scenarios on Turkey's
Position Regarding the Middle East As
the Result of Turkey-Central Asian Republics
Cooperation in Central Asia
Positive Scenarios:
Scenario I: Turkey - Less Dependent
on Middle East Oil
Economic advantages related to oil
and gas to be gained as the result of
positive relations with the Central
Asian republics might decrease the level
of dependence of Turkey on oil and gas
in the Middle East region. This might
also help Turkey leave dual policy that
she has adopted toward the Middle East
countries until present. In other words,
the policy of duality, based on intensifying
relations with the Arab Middle East
states whenever we are in need of oil
or applying negative foreign policy
against the same states when we do not
need their economic or political back
up, might be replaced by a more stable
Middle East policy.
Scenario II: Democratic-Secular-Laic
Turkish State Model For Anti-Democratic-Authoritarian-Totalitarian
Middle East State Structure
On condition that the Central Asian
states accept and adopt Turkey's secular
and democratic state structure and show
interest in developing relations with
her with in these limits in their region,
in the long run, Turkey might change
the anti-democratic state structure
of the Middle East states and might
present a democratic state model for
the autocratic and totalitarian countries
in the region as she would realize in
the Central Asian region. So, Central
Asian region might represent a kind
of positive political pattern for Turkey
in order to affect or change anti-democratic,
authoritarian and totalitarian state
structures of the Middle East countries.
The positive future scenarios indicated
in four groups above are not unreachable
for Turkey. The realization of these
plans largely depends on well-established
cooperation strategies that Turkey would
develop for the Central Asian region.
II : Future Scenario II: Future
Scenarios on Turkey's Position Regarding
the U.S. As the Result of Cooperation
Strategy Models Developed for Central
Asia
Depending on the military, economic,
political importance that the U.S. represents
for Turkey we might argue that U.S.-Turkey
cooperation in the Central Asian region
would be quite advantageous for Turkey.
As the result of intensified relations
with the U.S. for the Central Asian
region, Turkey might face both some
positive and negative scenarios. The
possible positive advantages and possible
negative developments Turkey might come
across following the Turkish-U.S. cooperation
in the Central Asian region might be
as follows.
Positive Scenarios:
Scenario I: U.S. - Politically and
Economically More Permissive Towards
Turkey
The relations to be intensified through
the U.S.-Turkey cooperation in Central
Asia might be quite advantageous for
Turkey's political and economic position.
Besides the southern flank responsibility
imposed on Turkey by the U.S. and the
balancing mission shared by Israel in
the Middle East, which are quite important
for the U.S., Turkey's new position
which helps the U.S. be closer to the
Central Asia might make the U.S. more
Turkey addict and this might bring about
U.S. political support for Turkey in
international platforms. U.S. might
also increase its financial assistance
to Turkey in order to make her develop
policies in Central Asian region freely
instead of herself.
Scenario II: Turkey - An Indispensable
Ally of the U.S. in the Balkans - Middle
East and Central Asian Regions
As mentioned before, the U.S. has arranged
the policies related to Turkey according
to her own benefits during the Cold
War period. In this context, the U.S.
has opposed Turkey several times. Johnson
letter sent following the 1963-64 Cyprus
Crisis and arms embargo on Turkey after
1974 Cyprus Peace Operation were only
two examples of the U.S. opposition.
The reason of the U.S. opposition against
Turkey was obvious. At that time the
U.S. was able to compensate Turkey's
position in the Middle East with Iran
until the Iranian Islamic Revolution
in 1979 and Israel during the Cold War
period, in the Balkans with Greece and
in the western block with other allies.
In other words, according to the U.S.,
Turkey could be replaced by other several
states, which were able to realize the
same responsibilities that Turkey was
supposed to do. However, in this newly-emerged
political system, "...Turkey's
growing importance is much more powerfully
defined by its centrality to regions
of major instability and conflagration
in which the long range policies of
Turkey could undergo significant and
unprecedented change". (Fuller,
1993, p.5) According to Jane Holl, the
chairperson of the board of a think
tank institution, named Carnegie Preventing
Fatal Conflicts Commission, Turkey is
in the list of potential states. The
strategy of the U.S. is that: provide
less risky future through strengthening
these potential states. (Davis, 1999)
In the new world order, Turkey is extremely
important for the Central Asian region
and con not be balanced by any other
state. From the U.S. point of view,
there is no alternative except for Turkey
against the Russian Federation in her
Central Asian politics. Under this circumstance,
the importance of Turkey in Central
Asia has been added to her vital responsibilities
in the Middle East region and in the
Balkans. So, Turkey has become the most
important ally of the U.S. in the post-Cold
War period.
Scenario III: Turkey - More Powerful
In the NATO With Its Dual Role - Southern
plus Eastern Flank Responsibilities:
Turkish-U.S. cooperation in the Central
Asian region might help Turkey's economic
development and increase its prestige
with in the NATO in indirect ways. In
fact, NATO's new security concept reflects
the U.S.' own formal policy related
to global security. Unlike in the Cold
War period, NATO is not only responsible
for solving the conflicts among the
states or ending the wars between two
parties but also holds the authority
to intervene in the conflicts or wars
between states. For this reason, any
conflict or war in the Central Asian
region, possibly to be caused by the
Russian Federation and in which the
Russian Federation would take place,
might across with NATO's intervention.
So, in case of any war in the Central
Asian region, eastern flank responsibility
to be imposed on Turkey by NATO for
the defense and security of the Central
Asian region against the Russian Federation
might emerge in addition to the Nato's
southern flank responsibility imposed
on Turkey by U.S. during the Cold War
period for the defense and security
of the Middle East region against the
Soviet Union. Under this circumstance,
Turkey's importance within the NATO
structure might automatically augment
and the U.S., assuming the security
needs of NATO, might lead Nato to increase
the amount of financial assistance given
to Turkey for the security of the region
in question.
Scenario IV: U.S. - More Determined
About Turkey's Admission into EU
U.S. seems quite insistent on Turkey's
EU full membership since she believes
that politically and economically powerful
Turkey would be an advantage for her
Middle East, Balkan and Central Asian
policies. In other words, according
to U.S., Turkey's strength in economy
and politics might get U.S. realize
her policies in the mentioned regions
easily and fast. U.S. supports the idea
that when Turkey is admitted to the
EU full membership she would be supported
economically with in the EU and the
Kurdish problem would be softened in
international platforms through EU membership.
Depending on the reasons mentioned above
it can be assumed that U.S. might provide
necessary economic support for Turkey's
attempts to be made for realizing necessary
rearrangements almost in every structure
of the state, planned after the acceptance
of Turkey's candidacy for EU full membership
on December 10, 1999 by the members
of the EU in Helsinki summit.
Scenario IV: U.S. - More Pro-Turkish
In Regard to the Cyprus Matter
Taking the incomparable importance
of Turkey for the U.S. in three regions
into consideration, the U.S. might back
up Turkey fully in international platforms.
(Manisalı and Manisalı, 1999) This would
mean that Turkey might behave more independently
regarding the Cyprus Issue, Kurdish
and Greece policies. In other words,
from now on it seems rather impossible
for the U.S. to agree to anti-Turkish
attempts of the Greek lobby in the U.S.
Congress and to give full support to
Greece for the Cyprus matter as she
did in 1963-64 and 1974.
Negative Scenarios:
Both of the negative scenarios are
related with U.S. sudden decision to
withdraw itself from the Central Asian
region depending on either Russian strong
resistance or change in her foreign
policy decision.
Scenario I: U.S. Withdrawal From
Cooperation Due to Russian Resistance
The worst future scenario that may
occur related to the U.S.-Turkish cooperation
in Central Asian region might be the
decision to be taken by the U.S. related
to the withdrawal from Central Asia
in case the emergence of a severe Russian
resistance against herself. U.S. decision
to isolate herself from Central Asian
policies would mean that Turkey might
face direct Russian threat regarding
Turkey's Central Asian policies and
will have to cope with difficulties
to be caused by Russian Federation in
the region. In addition to this, Turkey
might lose hopes for the Central Asian
region since she will not be able to
resist Russian Federation by herself.
This fact will affect all its political
and economic plans established on Central
Asian region.
Scenario II: U.S. Withdrawal From
Cooperation Due to Exceeding Allocations
From U.S. Budget
Turkey will also have to suspend its
Central Asian policies following any
U.S. foreign policy change related to
the Central Asian region. The possibility
of the emergence of this second negative
future scenario may be rather high since
U.S. regards this region as not primarily
important. If U.S. realizes that U.S.
budget has to allocate exceeding amounts
to Central Asia, U.S. administration
has to set up so many military installations
in this region and that she has to deal
with many problems there, she might
give up cooperating with Turkey for
this region and she might begin to concentrate
on other regions which in the end she
would gain more strategic advantages
in an easier way. Under this circumstance,
U.S. might look for the ways to develop
strategic friendship with other more
strategic partners in more strategic
regions. This would mean that Turkey
would have to leave its Central Asian
policy and resist Russian risk alone.
III : Future Scenario III: Future
Scenarios on Turkey's Position Regarding
the Russian Federation As the Result
of Cooperation Strategy Models Developed
for Central Asia
Undoubtedly, Turkey would have some
pros and cons before the Russian Federation
in the region along with the application
of the mentioned cooperation strategy
models for the Central Asian region.
Possibly, these may include:
Positive Scenarios:
Scenario I: Turkey - More Powerful
in Oil Transportation Politics
In line with the natural extension
of U.S.-Turkish cooperation in Central
Asian region, U.S. might intensify her
insistence on oil transportation route
taking her advantages into account.
Thinking that the Russian Federation,
with its internal political and economic
decline and international problems,
would not dare to begin an oil-related
Cold War II period, would not resist
Baku-Ceyhan transportation route. This
might lead two positive developments
for Turkey. Firstly, Turkey might gain
financial benefits as the result of
oil transportation passing through Baku-Ceyhan
route. Secondly, Turkey, by eliminating
Russian preference based on transporting
oil through the Straits, might secure
the Black Sea Straits and also prevent
possible Russian presence in the Straits.
Scenario II: Russian Federation
- Less Effective on Azeri Oil Transportation
Route:
Turkey's stable policies in Central
Asia and cooperation with U.S. might
also be influential on Russian prevailing
and future policies in the Caucasus
region. Regarding the oil reserves in
Caucasus, Russia is developing policies
related to this region in order to have
a word in this area. Russian Federation
is aimed at realizing her policies either
by causing conflict and giving military
support or by directly involving itself
in internal affairs of the regional
states as in Nagorno-Karabakh and Georgian-Abkhaz
matters. The first aim of Russia related
to the Caucasus region is to take Turkish-Azeri
relations largely based on transportation
of Azeri oil through Turkey under its
control and secondly to keep Turkey
away from Central Asia by causing conflict
in the Caucasus region since Russia
is aware of the geographical fact that
Caucasus is the sole transit route for
Turkey passing through the Central Asia.
Scenario III: Iran - Isolated From
Russian Federation Policies In the Middle
East and Central Asian Regions
Turkey-U.S.-Iran cooperation may have
an impact on Russian-Iran relations
too. Iran accepting to cooperate with
U.S. and Turkey for the Central Asian
region might avoid adopting policies
which would give harm to its relations
with U.S. and Turkey. This would mean
that she might refrain from serving
Russian benefits in the Middle East
and Central Asian regions, hosting PKK,
transferring its Islamic regime into
Turkey and cooperating with some Middle
Eastern states about which Turkey feels
restless. Along with the mentioned changes
in Iran's foreign policy Russia would
lose one of its significant partner
in the Middle East and Central Asian
regions. As the result of downgrading
relations with Iran Russia might possibly
face difficulties in having a place
in the Middle East, in arms selling
trade with Iran and in developing alliance
with Iran against Turkey.
Scenario IV: Russian Federation
- Less Effective in the Middle East
Region
A strong Turkish economic and cultural
existence in Central Asia together with
U.S., including Iran, might also form
an obstacle against Russian attempts
to improve relations particularly with
Syria and Iran, which would endanger
Turkey's position in the Middle East
region. This should be remembered that
in the Cold War years Russia did not
hesitate to develop profound relations
in order to have allies in the Middle
East against the U.S. increasing interests
in the mentioned region and that this
detailed relationship caused the emergence
of some serious problems for Turkey
as the result of this close relationship
between Syria, Iran and the Soviet Union.
Scenario V: Turkey - More Powerful
in the Balkans Against Probable Russian
Pan-Slavist Policies
Stronger Turkey in the region might
possibly decrease Russian desire to
revive Balkan Slavic nationalism, which
had consisted a real threat for the
Ottoman Empire. It is evident that Russia
is accustomed to using her Slavic Orthodox
ethnicity in the Balkans against the
Turks whenever Turkey is economically
and politically weak. So, it is highly
possible that Russia might be extremely
cautious about any provocative attempts
in the Balkans against Turkey as the
result of U.S.-Turkish cooperation in
the Central Asian region.
Scenario VI: Russian Federation
- More Reluctant and Smooth Neighbor
Russian support to the illegal group,
PKK, has been regarded as a Russian
foreign policy tactic developed to weaken
Turkey in the Black Sea region and Balkans.
When we take Turkey's important geographical
location which can easily form an obstacle
(if needed) for the Russian interests
in the mentioned regions, it can be
argued that Russian support to the illegal
groups, which has been busying Turkey's
internal politics and which Turkey has
been making effort to cope with for
years, is a part of her policies related
to the Straits, Black Sea fleet in the
Black Sea region and Slavic nations
in the Balkans. However, it would not
be realistic to assume that strong U.S.-Turkish
alliance in the Central Asian region
would immediately remove the mentioned
Russian negative policy against Turkey
but this might surely lead Russia to
develop more stable and smooth policies
related to Turkey.
Scenario VII: Russian Federation
- Capitalist
Russian Federation might isolate itself
from its responsibilities in Central
Asian region believing that she would
not be able to resist U.S. existence
in the region and she might reach an
agreement with U.S. This development
might both help Turkey realize its policies
freely related to the region and also
lead Russia to adopt capitalism. Through
this, Russia might get more assistance
from U.S. in order to ameliorate its
economic, political and military shortcomings.
Negative Scenarios:
Scenario I: Russian Federation-
Provocative in the Central Asian Region
It is possible that Russian Federation
might cause chaos in the Central Asian
region, as she did in the Caucasus region,
in order to regain its economic, political
and military power in the region.
Scenario II: Central Asian Republics
- Less Cooperative With Turkey Due to
the Probable Russian Threat
Russian Federation might apply pressure
on Central Asian republics and this
might spoil the relations between Central
Asian states and Turkey. The Turkic
origin states in the region, feeling
the Russian threat upon them and dependent
on Russian economic, military and political
power strictly, might naturally refrain
from cooperating with Turkey and its
partners.
Scenario III: Turkey-In Natural
Gas Crisis
Russian Federation might also try to
give damage to Turkey in order to make
her isolate from Central Asian policies
through canceling its trade with Turkey.
Keeping the reality in mind that Turkey's
natural gas supply depends largely on
the natural gas agreement concluded
with Russian Federation, Turkey might
go under economic crisis to be caused
by Russia.
Scenario IV: Turkey - Faced to Russian
International Law Violations in Regard
to the Straits
Russian Federation might cause problems
in regard to the Black Sea straits through
violating international rules. This
might lead to political crisis with
the Russian Federation.
Scenario V: Turkey - Faced To Russia
- Greek Strategic Partnership
Greece and Russian Federation might
develop strategic partnership. While
the Russian Federation might develop
this kind of attempt to exclude Turkey
from the Central Asian region, Greece
might be in favor of this attempt to
make Turkey be deprived of improving
alternative economic relations which
would help her be economically and politically
stronger in the Balkans, Middle East,
Black Sea and Central Asian regions.
Scenario VI: Turkey - Troublesome
Due to Probable Russian Provocation
in the Balkans
Russian Federation might provoke Slavic
Orthodox nations against Turkey. Even
though this would not cause a war between
Turkey and the Slavic nations in the
Balkans, this might busy Turkey in stead
of concentrating its political and economic
energy on Central Asian region.
Scenario VII: Turkey - Less Secure
in the Middle East Due to Russia - Syria
Triple Grouping
Russian Federation might improve relations
with some states in the Middle East
such as Syria to facilitate its Middle
Eastern policies. The possible intimate
relations between Russian Federation
and Syria might endanger Turkey's position
in the Middle East region.
Scenario VIII: Russia - China Strategic
Partnership Versus U.S. - Turkey - Israel
- Iran Strategic Partnership
Russia, taking all negative side effects
into consideration, might cooperate
with another super power, such as China,
against the super power U.S. in the
Central Asian region. This might lead
U.S. to behave more cautiously and give
up cooperating with Turkey in the region.
Under this circumstance, Turkey might
not find enough U.S. support and withdraw
from the region.
Scenario IX: Russian Federation
- Communist
If the power rivalry in the Central
Asian region reaches the limits which
would threaten Russian available hegemony
over the Central Asian states, Russia
might turn to Communist system so as
to reestablish its former authority
upon these states. Although this might
sound rather improbable, Russia would
dare to realize the mentioned radical
change since she is in need of natural
sources in the Central Asian region
and since she wants to use its political
and military superiority in the region
as a kind of political maneuver against
other states which are in search of
power rivalry in the same region. However,
a communist Russia in the region might
not only deprive Turkey of its aims
related to Central Asia also endanger
Turkey's national security.
We might conclude that depending on
the experiences in history Turkey should
always be economically and politically
strong before Russia. However, this
assumption should not be regarded as
the power rivalry between Turkey and
Russia but as an effort of both states
to survive in the same region despite
each other. So, cooperation strategies
to be developed by Turkey for the Central
Asian region might partly prevent Russian
negative policies against Turkey; yet,
might create some other unexpected problems
in terms of Turkey. The balance between
these two sides would openly depend
on Turkey's ability to benefit from
cooperation process in Central Asian
region.
IV : Future Scenario IV: Future Scenarios
on Turkey Regarding Greece As the Result
of Cooperation Strategy Models Developed
for Central Asia
As forecasted for the Middle East region,
U.S. and Russian Federation, Turkey
might face some positive and negative
scenarios regarding Greece, too following
the cooperation strategy models developed
for the Central Asian region. These
include follows:
Positive Scenarios:
Scenario I: Greece - Less Prestigious
in International Platforms Due to Its
Aggressive Way of Behavior Towards Turkey
It is real though it is interesting
that Greece begins to behave more radically
when Turkey is involved in a new political
and economic initiative in one of the
regions, which may possibly present
Turkey some positive outcomes. In other
words, any advantage Turkey might gain
in international platforms faces anti-Turkish
propaganda of Greece interestingly.
In fact, this aggressive-type of policy
of Greece causes her to lose prestige
in international politics. Attitude
adopted by Greece in Abdullah Öcalan's
case exactly supports our assumption
since Greece was criticized, though
not openly, by some other states and
organizations. The same development
might occur when Turkey begins to have
some economic and political advantages
following the cooperation strategies
to be developed for the Central Asian
region. The possible aggressive attitude
of Greece might help Turkey bring Aegean-related
problems and Cyprus matter into international
platforms more easily and to defend
these problems with other states more
independently.
Scenario II: Politically and Economically
Powerful Turkey in the Region Against
Politically and Economically Powerful
Greece in the EU
It is obvious that Greece has the power
of influencing the policies in its region
and in world politics through its EU
membership and through the impact of
Greek lobby in the U.S. congress. Turkey
might obtain the same prestige and status
in its region, though not in world politics,
through the advantages she might gain
as the result of cooperation strategies
in the Central Asian region. Remembering
the political power Greece maintains
and uses against Turkey by the help
of EU membership, it might be highly
possible that through the advantages
to be obtained as the result of cooperation
strategies in the Central Asian region,
politically and economically stronger
Turkey might impede Greece to provoke
EU members to take anti-Turkish Cypriot
and pro-Greek Cypriot decisions with
in the EU structure and also to form
obstacles before Turkey's admission
into the EU.
Scenario III: Greece - Deprived
of U.S. Back
It is evident that since the World
War II Greece has had an important place
in the U.S. and this economic and political
power of Greece in the U.S. led her
to gain some advantages in world politics,
in its region and before Turkey. Through
the mentioned superiority of Greece
to Turkey, the Greeks have been more
advantageous in terms of Cyprus matter,
Aegean-related problems and the U.S.
economic assistance since 1950s. However,
when the U.S. begins to gain advantages
in the Central Asian region through
Turkish-U.S. cooperation developed for
the same region, U.S. might adopt pro-Turkish
policies about Cyprus and Aegean-related
problems before Greece.
Scenario IV: Turkey - More Influential
In Regard to Cyprus Matter Before Greece
The possible advantages Turkey might
gain in the Central Asian region might
also have an impact on Turkish political
stand in regard to Cyprus matter and
the status quo of Turkish Cypriots on
the Cyprus island. Economically and
politically stronger Turkey in the region
might become more influential over Cyprus
matter and enlarge the area of influence
of the Turks living in Cyprus.
Scenario V: Greek Lobby - Less Effective
in the U.S. Congress
It can be said that Greece feels quite
powerful in international politics,
in its region and before Turkey depending
on Greek lobby's economic and political
strength in the U.S. congress and she
can activate and direct the U.S. congress
to take anti-Turkish decisions as experienced
following the military intervention
of Turkey in Cyprus in 1974. However,
as long as U.S. advantages in the Central
Asian region continues through Turkish-U.S.
cooperation, it might be rather difficult
for Greece to maintain anti-Turkish
decision through using the political
strength of Greek lobby in the U.S.
congress. So, Turkey might have a chance
to eliminate one of the most important
and influential factors, which sometimes
directs the U.S. foreign policy-makers
to take anti-Turkish decision.
Negative Scenarios:
It should be remembered that negative
scenarios Turkey might face regarding
Greece as the result of cooperation
strategies in Central Asia will be based
on Greek attempts to weaken Turkey and
to detoriate the advantages Turkey might
gain in the Central Asian region since
both states' foreign policy principles
are largely based on the maneuvers which
they develop against each other.
Scenario I: Turkey - Faced to Greek
Anti-Turkish Propaganda in EU
It can be said that Greece, taking
the advantages that its EU membership
presents to her in various fields and
particularly before Turkey, has been
and will become a preventive state which
puts obstacles before Turkey's admission
into EU. Parallel to the probable benefits
Turkey might obtain as the result of
cooperation strategies in the Central
Asian region Greece might continue to
develop anti-Turkish propaganda in the
EU even after the acceptance of Turkey's
candidacy in EU full membership on December
11, 1999. This might directly cause
retard in EU full membership of Turkey,
planned to be materialized in 2010 by
Turkish decision-makers.
Scenario II: Greece - Involved in
Convincing the European Powers About
the So-called pan-Turkist Threat
She might put forth the idea that Turkish
administration has entered the Central
Asian region to realize its pan-Turkic
and imperialist ideals in this region
and that she will keep on holding pan-Turkic
aims in Cyprus over Greek Cypriots and
in the Aegean Sea. Depending on this
assumption Greece might try to convince
European states that with this hard
nationalist stand Turkey will cause
serious threat in the Central Asian
and Middle East regions and in the Balkans.
Parallel to this assumption the EU members
might suspend Turkey's full membership
in the EU and Turkey's stand in international
politics might downgrade gradually.
Scenario III: Greece - More Engaged
in Bringing Human Rights Violations
Issue into International Political Agenda
It is a well-known fact that the EU
members have founded very close connection
between the political stand of the Kurds
in Turkey and Turkey's admission into
the EU. In a way they regard the well
being of the Kurds in Turkey as a precondition
for Turkey's EU full membership. In
addition to this, the EU members also
closely observes anti-democratic developments
in Turkey such as human rights violations
principally associated with the status
of political prisoners, extremist political
party members and Kurdish minority,
and they determine several defects related
with these. So, the mentioned handicaps
in Turkey might facilitate probable
anti-Turkish policies of Greece and
she might persuade some European states
to adopt anti-Turkish policies through
bringing the human rights violations
issue and the defects in democracy in
Turkey into international political
agenda. This negative development might
lead Turkey to maintain its political
and economic requests in international
politics with difficulty.
Scenario IV: Greece - More Provocative
in PKK and Kurdish Insurgency Matters
Greece takes quite sensitive stand
in regard to PKK matter and Kurdish
insurgency and has been trying to benefit
from the PKK matter and Kurdish insurgency
in favor of it own political pragmatism.
According to the official declarations
given by Turkish officials, Greece supports
the PKK and Kurdish insurgency in Turkey.
* Greece uses these two problems either
as a policy to weaken Turkey internally
or as an anti-Turkish campaign through
bringing these two issues into international
political agenda. So, it can be assumed
that Greece might continue to support
PKK and Kurdish insurgency and cause
political problems in terms of Turkey.
Scenario V: Greece - More Influential
Over Greek Government of South Cyprus
It is obvious that Cyprus conflict
is not a problem prevailing between
Turkish and Greek communities in the
island of Cyprus. Since the Cyprus conflict
has been posed as an international problem
in the General Assembly of the UN in
1954, both Turkish and Greek states
have been involved in supporting them
and even uniting Turkish and Greek communities
in Cyprus with Turkey and Greece. While
Greece regards Cypriot Greeks as a community
a part of Greek state, Turkey stands
as a guarantor state ready to defend
the rights of Cypriot Turks before Cypriot
Greeks and Greek state. So, it can be
argued that Greece, taking Turkey's
activities and close relationship with
the Central Asian states and the probable
advantages that Turkey might gain in
this region, might search for the ways
of breaking Turkey's influence over
the Cypriot Turks.
Scenario VI: Greece - More Effective
in Aegean-Related Problems
Through supporting the idea that Turks
entered the Central Asian region together
with pan-Turkic aims not with economic
or cultural ideals, she might convince
the European states to back the assumption
that Turkey's initial aim in the Aegean
Sea is to turn this sea into Turkish
sea through annexing the islands in
the Aegean Sea into the Anatolian land.
She might also assume that Turks are
violating its own right in the Aegean.
This might cause Turkey to lose its
word in Aegean-related matters in international
politics.
Scenario VII: Greece - In favor
of Russian Probable Pan-Slavist Policies
Depending on the historical developments
experienced before the establishment
of Greek state in 1830 and in two Balkan
Wars, it can be said that Greeks and
Russians might cooperate with each other
and provoke Slavic nationalism in the
Balkans against Turks when necessary.
So, it is possible that if Turkey increases
its political and economic power following
its initiatives in the Central Asian
region Greece might provoke the Slavic
Orthodox nations in the Balkans backing
Russian stand toward this issue in order
to weaken Turkey's influence which she
regards as a threat against herself.
Although Slavic Orthodox revival in
the Balkans will not cause a direct
threat for Turkey it might lead discontent
and busy Turkish decision-makers and
this might result in lack of concentration
on Central Asian policies.
Scenario VIII: Greece - Backer of
the Russian Federation in Regard to
Its Middle East Policies
As mentioned before Russia sees the
Middle East as an important region for
its foreign policy. It is also quite
clear that during East-West confrontation
Russia developed some policies in this
region so as to upgrade its influence
among the Middle East states against
the U.S. So, it is possible that although
Greece has never had any vital advantages
associated with the Middle East region,
she might support Russian probable negative
policies in this region in order to
make some Middle East states such as
Iran and Syria to take negative stand
toward Turkey through provoking them.
Scenario IX: Turkey - Faced to Greek
Assimilation Policies Over Turkish Minority
in the Western Thrace
Greece might develop policy of oppression
over the Turkish minority in Western
Thrace in order to draw Turkish foreign
policy attention to other matters. By
doing so, they might direct Turkey to
focus on Central Asia less.
V : Future Scenario V: Future Scenarios
on Turkey's Position Regarding EU As
the Result of Cooperation Strategy Models
Developed for Central Asia
Positive Scenarios:
Scenario I: Turkey - Less EU Addict
Along with probable political and economic
advantages to be gained as the result
of cooperation strategies in the Central
Asian region, Turkish decision-makers
might leave the idea that EU full membership
is the only way to become one of the
respectful member of world community
but there are some other alternatives.
By doing so, Turkey might become less
permissive in regard to EU demands and
behave more independently in its relations
with EU. This might also remove the
feeling of inferiority wide spread among
Turks before Europeans, which has been
dominant since the beginning of the
decline of Ottoman state.
Scenario II: U.S. - More Pro-Turkey
in Regard to Turkey's EU Membership
If the U.S. obtains economic and political
prestige and advantages in the Central
Asian region following the cooperation
strategies, she might give economic
assistance to Turkey in order to help
her make necessary political, economic
and societal rearrangements for EU integration
and even she might initiate some attempts
in order to facilitate Turkey's full
membership process in international
platforms. Furthermore, when we take
the importance of reciprocal benefit
principle in international relations
for any state into consideration, we
might argue that U.S. will back Turkey
in any foreign policy issue which represents
vital importance for Turkish decision-makers
as long as she continues to obtain political
and economic benefits through U.S. -
Turkey partnership in the Central Asian
region.
Scenario III: Turkey - More Acceptable
Economically by the EU
It is quite obvious that deficiencies
in Turkish economy; such as high inflation
rate, high level of unemployment, remarkable
budget deficit, high dependency on foreign
markets; consist secondarily important
reasons following the primarily important
reasons; such as Turkey's Kurdish policy,
human rights violations, anti-democratic
political developments; which cause
delay in its admission into EU. The
probable positive impact of cooperation
strategies in the Central Asian region
on Turkish economy; such as probable
decrease in inflation rate, unemployment,
budget deficit, dependency on foreign
markets; might convince the EU members
that Turkey would not bring so much
economic difficulty into EU in case
its full membership. The mentioned probable
positive development might lead EU to
admit Turkey into full membership in
a shorter time than Turkey expects.
Negative Scenarios:
Scenario I: False Image of Turkey
By the EU Members
The EU might interpret economic attempts
of Turkey in the Central Asian region
as the attempts designed to set up Turkist-Islamic
Union based on political pragmatism.
EU might suppose that Turkey has nationalist
and fundamentalist aims related with
the Central Asian region taking the
fact into consideration that Turkey
has intensified its relations with the
Muslim Arab states after 1980s, which
have been frozen since the beginning
of Cold War period, and she has initiated
relations with the Central Asian republics
following the disintegration of the
Soviet Union, concentrating on ethnicity,
mutual historical past, mutual cultural
features, mutual language and mutual
religion. The mentioned supposition
of the EU members might lead them to
delay Turkey's full membership for long
years.
Scenario II: Probable Greek Veto:
Greece might assume that she would
be surrendered by a heavily Muslim populated
belt as the result of the cooperation
strategies developed by Turkey for the
Central Asian region, and that this
attempt would cause a direct threat
for its security. So, she might conduct
anti-Turkish propaganda in the EU in
regard to Turkey's admission into EU.
Under this circumstance, Turkey might
have to wait for its admission into
EU for long years.
Scenario III: EU Against U.S.
When we take the fact into consideration
that EU was established in order to
maximize political and economic benefits
of the states in the Europe continent
compared to the benefits of the states
in other continents, principally the
benefits of the American continent,
EU might suppose that Turkey's admission
into the Union would not serve to the
interests of the European continent
but would serve to the political and
economic interests of the U.S. in the
Middle East and Central Asian regions
since Turkey has always been ready to
do anything for the well-being of the
U.S. This assumption might lead the
EU members to suspend Turkey's admission
into EU.
Conclusion
Turkey has initiated multi-lateral
relations with the Central Asian states
following declaration of independence.
Foreign policy aims of Turkey related
to these states are to gain economic
and political power in its region through
improving multi-dimensional relations
with these states, help them in solving
their economic, social and political
problems, facilitate these states' economic,
political and social development, present
its liberal economic structure and democratic
system as a model to these republics.
In the first years of relationship,
Turkey's attempts were accepted with
enthusiasm and pleasure by these republics.
Several official visits were paid, bi-lateral
and multi-lateral economic, social and
cultural agreements were signed, embassies
were opened, seminars and conferences
were organized, agencies, institutions,
associations were set up.
However, Turkey was not able to realize
its foreign policy goals in the Central
Asian region. Foreign policy goals adopted
in regard to this region by Turkish
decision-makers became materialized
only partially due to the external e.g.
increase in power rivalry in the region,
change in Russian policy over the Central
Asian states in 1994, decrease in the
interest of the Central Asian states
toward Turkey, and internal reasons
e.g. lack of satisfactory strategy,
Turkey's economic deficiencies, lack
of historical information about these
states, Turkey's internal political
problems, pan-Turkist political discourses
toward these states and broken promises.
Depending on the reasons above, in
this study we have developed four "cooperation
strategy models" for the Central
Asian region to help Turkish decision-makers
maximize Turkey's political and economic
advantages in this region and also we
have forecasted what kind of political,
social and economic advantages or disadvantages
Turkey would face in the Middle East
region, before the U.S., Russian Federation,
Greece and with in the EU in 2020 or
2030 through "future scenario planning"
method in order to inform Turkish decision-makers
about Turkey's probable stand in the
future following the application of
the mentioned strategy models.
We obviously reached this conclusion,
parallel to the application of the strategy
models developed in this study, despite
each negative development probably emerge
during time, Turkey's military, economic
and political stand before Iran and
Syria in the Middle East region; political
stand before the Russian Federation
in the former Soviet geopolitical area;
military, economic and political stand
before Greece in the Balkans; political
stand before the U.S.; economic and
political stand before the EU will be
much more promising in the year 2020
or 2030. We also reached the conclusion
that the strategy models developed only
for the Central Asian region will have
an impact on Turkey's military, economic
and political stand on not only Turkey's
position in the Central Asian region
but on the Middle East region, before
U.S., Russian Federation, Greece and
EU.
We also determined the fact that strategy
development and future scenario planning
are two important notions which help
maximize any state's foreign policy
goals, and that these two necessitates
a group study, in which both the decision-makers
and academic circles should cooperate
fully in order to gain maximum outcome.
We hope this study will help the interested
bodies to discover the importance of
strategy development and future scenario
planning for the success of Turkish
foreign policy in the Central Asian
region.
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* Turkish decision-makers express
their concern about the support given
by Greece in regard to PKK and other
terrorist activities and warn Greece
diplomatically quite often. This became
obvious along with the PKK leader Abdullah
Öcalan's declaration in his trial that
he was kept by Greek officials in the
Consulate of Greece in Kenya. However,
in order to remove hesitations about
Greek stand toward these two issues;
the book "Terör Dosyası ve Yunanistan"
(Terrorism and Greece) by C. Başar,
1993, Istanbul; can be recommended to
the ones who are interested in these
matters since the mentioned research
explains the support given by Greece
since 1967 to terrorist activities in
Turkey together with official documents.
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